
i4^ 



Glass 4 
Book.sLS-ia 



.\ 




THE 

TO ALL THOSE WHO HAVE ANY INTEREST IN THE WELFARE, THE 
POWER, THE GLORY, OR THE HAPPINESS OF THE 

" UNITED WE STAND — DIVIDED WE FALL." 



-»!©©«♦— 



" Frenzied be the head-palsied be the arm-of him who attempts to dissolve the. 
Union." — Gen. Eaton, tlie hero of Ucrnc. 

" I have been reared in a reverential atTcction for the Union. My imagination has 
led me to look into the distant future, and there to contemplate the greatness ot Ircc 

"'Tlmve beheld her walking on the waves of the mighty deep, carrying along witli 
her tidings of great joy to distant nations. I have seen her overturmng the strong 
places ot- despotism, and restoring to man his long-lost rights. Wo, wo, hetide that 
man who shall sow the seeds of disunion amona us! letter for nm he had never 
heen born. If he call upon the mountains to hide him-nay, if he bury hrmselj in 
the very centre of the earth, the indisnntion of mankind loill jind him out and blast 
him with its /;^AOj/»^s."—Tlie Hon. John Tyler, formerly Governor of, and at present 
Senator of the U. States from, Virginia. 

" Chcrisli a cordial, habitual and immoveable attachment to the union ; accustoming 
yourselves to think and speak of it as the palladium of your political safety and pros- 
perity ; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can in any 
event be abandoned; and indignantly froioning npon the first dawmng of everrj at. 
ienpt to alienate any part of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble ths sacred ties 
ichich now link together the vaiious parts."— General Washington's Fai-cvvcll Address. 

" The union. It must be preserved." — President Jackson. 

" The union. Nothing short of insufferable oppression, actually felt, and not infer- 
red f)om doubtful premises, should make a wise man wish its dissolution."— James 
Lowndes, Esq. 

" Permit me. Sir, to make one or two observations upon the competency of the State 
governments to resist the authority or the execution of a law of Congress. What kind 
of resistance can thev make which is constitutional ? I know of but one kind; and 
THAT IS BY ELECTIONS. The People and the States have a right to change the 
members of the National Legislature, and in that way, AND IN THAT ALO]\E, 
con they effect a change of the measures of this Government. It is true there is 
another kind of resistance wliich may be made, but is UNKNOWN TO THE 
CONSTITUTION. This resistance depends upon physical force — it is an appeal 
to the sword ; and by the sword must that appeal be decided, and not by the provi- 
sions of the Constitution."— IF. //. Ciaicford, Esq., Ex-Secretary of the Treasury of 
the United Stales. 



BY A CITIZEN OF PENNSYLVANIA. 

PRINTED BY JOHN l^.OREN. 

August 25, 183i2. 
[Gratuitous~^ 



* \> " . rv^'' 



■x 



'n 



A 



!\ 



PREFACE. 



The cliarge of fickleness will lie against me for once more taking up the 
p?n on this subject ; as it is only a month since I took my leave of it, as I 
thought for ever. For this charge I care not. The magnitude of the 
subject and oiiject aflbrds full justification. I am led to this trespass by an 
ardent desire to endeavour to preserve the peace and union of ihe countiy, 
and by the horror which the " deep damnation" of a dissolution of the Union, 
with all its tremendous consequences, is so well calculated to excite. 

The high degree of exasperation, fiiUing little short of frenzy, that pre- 
vails on tlie subject of the protecting system in South Carolina, cannot ex- 
cite much astonishment, when we consider the means that have been em- 
ployed to produce it. Never was a cause advocated with more zeal, 
ardour, and industry, nor with a more liberal expenditure of money, than 
has been the cause of nullification, and by necessary consequence, of a dis- 
solution of the Union. For as sure as there is a heaven above us, so sure 
the present measures of the nullifiers will eventuate in a dissolution, unless 
energetic measures of counteraction be adopted. One item of expense, 
altogether unexampled in this country, within the same space of time, 
deserves attention. About a year since, a resolution was adopted by the 
" state rights' party," to print 10,OQO pamphlets per month. At three 
cents each, which is a moderate estimate, the expense per annum would be 
83,600. Agents, it is confidently asserted, are employed to distribute them, 
not merely in South Carolina, but in the nei'jjhbouriiig states, in order to 
induce them to make common cause. This item costs, probably, half 
the amount of the printing, making a total of five thousand dollars, to pre- 
pare the public mind for a forcible repeal, by a single state, of a law of 
the United States, passed, as is asserted, by a " reckless majorifj/.'" This 
is a favourite phrase — and it is no new case. All " viajoi-ities'''' that will 
not let the n>inoi ity rule, are stigmatized as " reckless" and tyrannical. 

In the composition of these pamphlets, talents of the first order are em- 
ployed. However fallacious, they are to the last degree plausible, and 
admirably calculated ad captandum. It is easy to conceive how powerful 
must be the effect of such a system, steadily and zealously pursued under 
the auspices of some of the most talented and influential men in the coun- 
try. Their efixirts arealieady powerfidly felt in Georgia, and are extend- 
ing to Alabama, North Carolina and Virginia. 

Some idea may be formed of the unholv means employed to poison Ihe 
minds of the citizens of South Carolina — to inflame their passions against 
their fellow citizens — and to prepare them for rebellion, from the follow- 
ing statement taken from the Charleston Mercury, by '.vhich the public 
are persuaded that the federal government raises taxes from the poor to 
the amount of 40 per cent, of their respective inconxes ! 



4 DISSOLUTION' OF THE UJXIOW. 

" Federal Officers and Non-Convention Men are so anxious to support themselves, 
and fatten upon the industrious men's means ; and knowing- that these are the principal 
sujferers, they avoid noticing the poor man's expenses, and publish that of the rich 
who are comparatively ihw, and scarcely feel the tariif, as their purcliases amount to' 
a small portion of their income. It is this overwhelming majority of Southerners 
na nely, the poor and industrious, that Mr. M'Duffie ;.lludes to, when he says, the taxes' 
are levied upon exports. Most planters, mechanics, manufacturers, and tradesmen do 
not make, these Colonization and Torijf days, more than their families' necessities' re- 
quire — as, for example, if a man or widow makes and spends 

60 dollars in cash, 20 dollars of it icill he taken away by the tariff, as a tax for Northern 
Roads and Canals, being 40 per cent; of course leaving the owner but thirty dollara 
to meet family expenses'. 

100 Dollars, deduct Tax, 40, leaves the ower 60 

300 do. do. 120, do. do. 180 

500 do. do. 200, do. do. 300 

700 do. do. 280, do. do. 420 

1000 do. do. 400, do. do. 600 

" My means being small, family large, and expenditure necessarily amounting to my 

income, (300 dollars) on which I pay taxes 120 dollars, leaving my family but fSO dol- 

lars, I have made out the above statetneiit for the in brmation of those similarly situated 

■with myself, that they may know wiiat proportion of their hard earnings is taken under 

the tariff" law, to enrich the Northern Monopolists, and fatten Southern Federal Otii- 

ccTs,a.nd\\'hich IS never returned in the shape of money to the Wife and Children of 

an abused "SOUTHERNER. 

"N. B. — The next question to he agitated, if ice submit now, will be the Colonization 
Act — another loord for E.mancipatio.v." 

It is more than probable that few of our citizens are aware of the pre- 
cipice which yawns to swallow up the Union, and how near we are to our 
blessed confederacy being " resolved into its original elements." For 
the information of all such as are ignorant on the subject, it cannot be im- 
proper to state the views of the nullitiers of South Carolina, as boldly de- 
veloped by themselves. 

Should they have a majority in the next legislature, as is almost certain, 
from the extraordinary exertions they arc making, it is intended to pass an 
act to annul the tarit}", in the following form as stated in the Charleston 
Evening Post, one of their leading papers, on the 10th ult. : 

" Whereas, the freedom oftlie citizens of these States from all taxation beyond that 
required for the necessary wants of (jovernmcnt, is one of the most sacred amongst 
the riglits and privileges guaranteed to tiicm by the Federal Constitution, and the pre- 
servation whereof is essential to secure the liberty oftlie people, and to protect the 
Constitution from violation — And, whereas it is well known, and undeniable, tlmt a 
duty of 12 per cent, on our imports is sufficient for the wiints of Government : 

'■^ Be it enacted, That if any person shall co//ec< or receive, or be aiding or abetting 
in collecting or receiving any amount of duties on the imports made into tiiis State be- 
yond the said rate of 12 per cent, ad valorem, every sucii person so ortcnding, shall he 
deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, and shall he apprehended, committfd, and tried there- 
for, as in other cases of misdemeanors, before tlic Court of Common Pleas and General 
Sessions of this State; and being thereof convicted by the verdict of a Jury, shall be 
adjudged to safer imprisonment for a term not exceeding one year, and shall pay a Jine 
not exceeding Two Thousand Dollars ; which imprisonment and line shall be assessed 
by a Jury ! 

"And if any jierson shall be arrested or imprisoned, or his property or his goods 
seized, fJjr, or on account of the non-payment of a higher rate of duties, such person 
may ap[)ly to the said Court, or any Judge tIier;of in vacation, for a writ of Habeas 
Corpus for the release of his person, or a Writ of Replevin (or the release of iiis goods, 
wiiicli writs shall, forthwith be granted him as of common right, upon proper alHdavita 
of the facto alleged ; and it shall be the duty oftlie said Court, or the said Judjje,on the 



DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION. O 

return of the said writ, to liberate tlic said individual, or his said goods, on payment of 
the said 12 ;ier cent. 

" And he it further enacted. That all Rends given for a higher rate of duties than 
the said 12 per cent, shall be, and are hereby declared to be, void in this State, so far as 
the condition of said Bonds shall exceed tlie said rate of 12 per cent — and all juries in 
this State are autliorized and directed to tind accordingly." 

Should the President dare attempt to enforce the execution of the tariffact 
by the means the constitution lias placed at his command for that purpose, 
the next step in the ladder of (hssolution, is to adopt the following resolu- 
tion, which is recommended by high authority : 

*^ Resolved, Tliat if, in consequence of the proceedings of South Carolina, to jirotect 
her citizens against the operation of this unjust and unconstitutional system of laws, 
any attempt to use force and coercion against this State, siiall take pl.ce by direction 
oftbp (xpnf^rnl government, it shall be tho boundcn duty oi'thc Governor oftliis State, to 
write Ibrtlnvitli to the President of the United States, and to inform him, that on the ex- 
piration of one calendar month from tl>e date of that inlbrmation, tlic State ot Soutli 
Carolina will be proclaimed and declared to be no longer a member of the North 
American United States, unless such force and coercion be instantly withdrawn. And 
the Governor, in case of its continuance, notwithstanding such information, shall issue 
his proclamation accordingly on the day designated, that the State of South Carolina 
is, and will eontmue thence.brward to be in all respects, sovereign and independent, 
and no longer remains a member of the American Union." 

It is asserted that they count largely on fjreign interference to protect 
them against the attempts of the general government to coerce them. — 
This idea is rendered probable by the following view of the subject, taken 
from the Meicury, the most powerful advocate of nullification : 

"Suppose Ciiarleston a free port, exacting no duties on entry or e.-^it — or, at the 
very utmost, five per cent, ad valorem, on imports — a free port, where the vessels of 
every nation upon earth might bring, without let or hindrance, what they have to sell, 
and pnrcliase freely what we can supply ! ivhat a city icoidd it he in Jive years .' what 
a depot for tlie transatlantic world ! what a scene for commercial agency ! And what 
nation would molest a free port, whicli is the port of every nation — wliich all nations 
are deeply interested in promoting and guaranteeing ? And w^hat otJier taxes do we' 
need, in that case, than the same taxes we now raise ? And what danger have we to 
fear ? Who molests Lubee, Hamburgli, Bremen? Woui^d Europe permit a free port 

TO BE blockaded ? AnD WHERE ARE THE TAXES TO BE OBTAINED, TO PAY THE EXPENSES 
OF AN HOSTILE ATTACK UPON US BY OUR QUONDAM FRIENDS ?" 

What has been done or is doing, to counteract this system, fraught 
with the seeds of civil commotion, with all its fearful train of evils? ,Com- 
paratively very little. The Union party in the state, it is true, have 
displayed in their newspapers very considerable talent ; but it is there, as it 
is here : few read any newspapers but those of their own party ; and there- 
fore the universal dissemination of the pamphlets, by the nidlifiers, to 
friends and foes, gives the latter an immense advantage over their antago- 
nists. And this advantage was prodigiously increased by the (act that 
the Union party assumed the ground of the unconstitutionality and injustice 
ofthe protecting system. This was placing irresistible weapons in the 
hands of their adversaries. How rational men can hold this doctrine in 
opposition to the luminous view of the subject given by President Jackson, 
— to pass over all other arguments — which, in the minds of men free from 
prejudice, settles the question for ever beyond the power of cavil, it is 

1* 



DISSOLUTION OF THE UXIOX. 



difficult to conceive. This view has been frequently quoted, but cannot 
be too often presented to the public eye. 

"The power to impose duties on imports originally belonged to the several states 
The right to adjust these duties, with a view to the encourage atent of domestic brlnches 
of industry is so completely incidental to that power, that it is difficult to suppose the 
existence oj one without the other. The states have delegated their whole Sorv 
over imports to the general government witliout limitation or restriction Lvino Z 
very inconsiderable reservation relating to their inspection laws. This authoritv'hav 
ing thus entirely passed from the states, the right to exercise it for the purpose of pro- 
tection, does not exist in tliem, and consequently, if it he not possessed by L /e«S 
government, it must be extinct. Our political svstem would thus pkksent tS ano 

MALY OF A PEOPLE STRIPPED OF THE RIGHT TO FOSTER THEIR OW.V I.VDUSTRV " AND TO COnv' 
TERACT THE MOST SELFISH AND DESTRUCTIVE POLICY WHICH MIGHT BE ADOPTED BY FOr' 

EiGN NATIONS This surcly cannot be the case : This indispensable power thus.ur 
rendered by the states,must be within the scope of the authority on thi. subject eNores' 
ly delegated to Congress."— PresnZeni! Jack„on's Message to Congress, Decl 6, 183[)'. 

To this let me add the pointed admission of the Free Trade Conven- 
tion, the Delphic oracle of nullification, that " Congress may countervail 
the regulations of a foreign power that may be hostile to our commerce." 

AVhat has been done in the other states to disabuse the public mind in 
South Carolina, by the friends of the protecting system and of the peace 
and prosperity of the country and " the permanence of the Unkm ? 
Ahnost nothing. The whole expenditure, directed particuhu-ly to the 
illumination of South Carolina, to counteract the efforts of the advocates 
of nullification, has not, from the middle of 1828 till the same period of 
1S31. equalled the expenditure of two months in favour of nullification ! 
In the year 1828, when insurrectionary views fully developed themselves, 
and assumed a most formidable aspect — when we were threatened pub- 
licly, in addresses received with acclamation, with " the state rising' in the 
majesty of its strength" — with '' a renewal (f the scenes of the'' re vol u- 
tion'' — an attempt was made to produce a counteracting association in de- 
;! :ko of the Union, at an expense of twenty-five dollars a head — and in the 
four great cities of Boston, \ew York, Philadelphia and Baltimore, there 
could jiot be found twenty, ten or even five, who would unite tor such a 
holy purpose ; although ajiplication was made, at two diflercnt pei'iods, in 
the most urgent and impressive style, to from fifty to seventy wealthy 
individuals, all of them deeply interested in the protecting system. — 
Of course the project was abandoned. History can ^furnish but 
lew instances of such dire insanity as regards personal interest, and 
such \otal indifference to the public welfare, as this case exhibits. 
The actual cflervescence of the public mind to the South may be in a great 
degree chargeable to this miserable neglect of duty. Even at present, 
when the evil approaches us nearer daily, and when the spirit of disallec- 
tion is spreading widely, the same torpor, apathy, and economy prevail. 
In the expense of these publications I am unable to find a sin<fle person to 
unite I ! ! So much more energy, ardour and lib(!iality are displayed to 
pull down than to support the fabric of government ! This, however, is 
nothing new. It has been the case at all times, — one thousaud men have 
iu ;U1 countries b;;en more cllicient to overturn, than ten thousand to up- 
hold a governmciif. On one side there is unity of purpose and of action. 
Thr.'. cau.>e becomes to a certain degree a personal one. VVheica-^, on the 
other side, it is regarded as a public question, in which no individual has 



DISSOLUTION OF TUE UNION. 7 

any particular interest — and, to use a very trite, but very just aphorism, 
" what is cviry hodifs bunness, is nohody^s business" Two cases from 
history will sulliciently prove the correctness of this doctrine. When the 
Prince of Orange landed in England in 1687, not one man in ten, perhaps 
in a hundred, throughout the nation, had any ideaot a change of dynasty.* 
This applies to the Cliurchills, the Halifaxes, the Shrewsburys, the Go- 
dolphins, and most of those wlio figured under William and Mary. The 
utmost they looked for was to restrain the power of the bigot James with- 
in legal and constitutional limits. 

Again : — In the beginning of 1776, not one man in ten, perhaps not 
one in a hundred in the British provinces contemplated independence. — 
And the most popular man in the country could not at that time have pro- 
posed it with safety. 

And now, were the whole of the southern states polled, man by man, 
and the naked question put to them, whether they would tear down the 
sacred fabric of our government, the admiration of the civilized world, 
and iiave this noble nation, whose pov.er, and influence, and glory are 
indissolubl}' connected v.ith its union, divided into two, three or four sepa- 
rate republics, with jarring and hostile interests, the sport and instruments 
of the jealous nations of Europe, — there would, I have no doubt, be a ma- 
jority of ten, perhaps fifty to one against the deleterious measure — but it 
requires no spirit of prophecy to see clearly that unless the friends of a 
confederated government, not merely in the southern states, but through- 
out the Union, act with more zeal and energy, and concentration of effort 
to disabuse the public mind, the Union will not last two years. They may 
close their eyes to this fatal result ; but, I repeat, without they pursue 
a different system, they will soon be awakened to a hide(^us state of 
things, which will excite deep remorse and anguish at their present torpor. 

"Nullification is a creature of circumstances. Its import is not yet settled. It is 
made to mean whatever will best suit the company in which it is introduced. It has 
become a fashionable instrument in the hands of its advocates to play upon the pas- 
sions and prejudices of honest men, whose feelings tliey spare no pains, nor labor to 
rouse and animate. It flourishes most in towns and vitlages. Three or four of those 
nullifying gentlemen meet a company of highly respectable, honest men from the 
country, who, being perfectly honest themselves, are naturally led to believe every 
body else is so; and from that uncontaminated purity of mind which they have cher- 
ished through life, unacquainted with the fantastic tricks and stratagems of aspiring 
politicians, their honest credulity is practised upon. They arc first informed, gravely,' 
that they arc laboring under heavy burdens from the tariff, of which they are totally igf- 
norant. To illustrale this latent burden, some nullifying philosopher is called, and af- 
ter a metaphysical lecture of half an hour long, he concludes by assuring them that 

THEY MOST UNDOUBTEDLY PAY, EVERY YEAH, FORTY BALES OF THEIR COTTO.N OUT OF EVERY 

HUNDRED, TO THE Yankees, as a bounty to their manufacturers; and that they will 
be ground into dust unless they will join the nulliiiers, as the only means of putting it 
down."— Judge Smith's Sj;ee-;h, Aug. 1st, 1831. 

* The question of installing the Prince as King, was carried in the House of Lords, 
after ardent debates, by a meagre majority of two — 51 to 4'3. — Ilumc, vol. iv. p. 467. 



BI^SOSzUTION" OF THE UNION.* 
rvo. 1. 

-^^^^ 

This confedercicy is young. Little more than half a century has rolled 
over its head, and yet thiee times has the ill-omened, deleterious, and 
let me add, thrice-accursed project of a dissolution of the Union been 
pressed on the public attention by discontented, disaffected, or ambitious 
men, desirous of change, and regardless of the warning voice of history, 
which, on its ensanguined pages, records the sad and sickening story of 
the desolating wars of conterminous states, destitute of any common umpire 
to decide their differences. It is only necessary to mention tlie Pelopen- 
nesian wars, whereby Athens, the pride and glory of Greece, after an aidu- 
ous and protracted struggle of 27 years, was laid prostrate in the dust — the 
wars of Italv, til! Rome swallowed up all her rivals in the boundless extent 
of her iron domination — the wars of the Picts and English, when the latter, 
in the extremity of their distress, invoked the aid of the Saxons, who termi- 
nated the strife by the subjugation of those by whom they were invited into 
the island — the civil wars of the Italian i-epublics, in the middle ages, in 
which the weaker party almost always called in the aid of some rival 
state, which generally, like the kite with the warlike frogs, seized upon 
and subjugated both of the contending parties — the bolder wars of Eng- 
land and Scotland — the wars in France before the establishment of one 
common govejnment ruling over the whole nation — and though last, not 
least admonitory, the horrible wars among the soi-disant rei)ublics in our 
own hemisphere. To the admonitions held out by these histories, nothing 
but the most dire infatuation can be deaf or dumb. 



FIRST PROJECT OF THE DISSOLUTIOX OF 
THE U.MO.\. 



The first attempt was at an early period, in the year 1796, only seven 
years after the organization of the government. A series of papers, with 
that view, appeared at Hartford, Conn, written by some citizens of high 
standing and considerable talent. The ground assumed was the inipossi- 
bility of maintaining a permanent union between states so dissimilar in 
habits, manners and customs, as the people of the south were to those 
ofihe middle and eastern states. The leading objection was the existence 
of slavery to the south, although at that period slavery existed in (\innec- 
ticuf, and in every other state in the union, except Massachusetts, where 

» A portion of tliix l'>sny wa" originally published in tlic year 1810. 



DISSOLUTION OF TUE UNION. 



it was annulled merely by the construction of that clause in the constitu- 
tion, which declares that " all men are born free and equal." 

The wickedness and hollowness of this i)lca are palpable from the lact, 
that slavery might have been abolished in Connecticut without much dilh- 
culty or inconvenience ; as the number of slaves then in that state was only 
about 20,000— and had they been liberated by law, as has snicebeen done 
in the state of New York, the owners would not have sutllred much, if any, 
real iniurv— as the services of the negroes, if emancipated, could bo pur- 
chased atbut little more than they actually cost their masters for food and 



clothes. 



Extracts from an Essay signed Pelham, m the Connecticut Couravt puUished at Hart- 
ford, in Connecticut, repuUished in the New World, a Philadelphia paper, printecL 
bu S.H.Smith, November 3ii,lTJe. ,..,., tu ' r^^ ,v,„=t 

"We have reached a critical period in our pohlical existence. The question must 
soon be decided, whether we will continue a nation, at the expense even of our bmon or 
sink encumbered with the present mass of difficulty into conjuswn and slavery. Un a 
subject so interesting as this, it is hazardous to speak. But it is still more hazardous 
to remain silent. , . ,., • i * j 

" I think it will not be an easy task to discover any thing like an equivalent gained 
by the Northern States, for the admission of the negroes into the mass ot inhabitants in 
the Southern States, in order to swell the size of the representation in the general 
Cono-ress. The importance of this point to the Southern St=ites will strUangly app^^^ 
bv a°verv slight cKamination. NEGROES ARE IN ALL RESPECTS, EXCEPT 
IN REG^^RD TO LIFE AND DEATH, THE CATTLE OF TH E CITIZENS OF 
TRE SOUTHERN ST\TES. If they were sood for /boc/, THE PROBABILITY IS, 
TH\T EVEN TOE POWER OF DESTROYING THEIR LIVES WOULD BE 
ENJOYED BY THEIR OWNERS, AS FULLY AS IT IS OVER THE LIVES 
OF THEIR CATTLE. It cannot be, that their laws prohibit the oioners from killtng 
thnr shirts, because those slaves are human beinas, or because it is regarded as a mor 
al evil to destroy them. If that were the case, how can they justify their being treated 
in all other respects like brutes ? For it is in this point of view alone, that negroes in 
the Southern States, are considered in fact as different from cattle. They are bougld 
and sold ; they are fed or kept hunrrry ; they are clothed or reduced to nakedness ; tliey 
are beaten, turned out to the fury of the tempest, and torn from thnr dearest connexions, 
with as little remorse as if they were beasts of thefeld. On what principle, tiien, were 
they noticed among their masters in the scale of representation ? They have no inter- 
ests to protect ; no happiness to advance ; the laws afford them no security except tor 
their lives ; and the government furnishes them with no advantages. If, to balance tins 
claim, the Northern States had demanded, that three-fifths of the ichole number of their 
horses and cattle should be added to the amount of free persons, the chain, doubtless, 
would have been rejected with indignation. But it was thought expedient that the 
Southern States should he indulged, in a claim equally absurd and unfounded. Where 
the equivalent rests, I am isj-norant. 

"When it becomes a serious question, whether tee shall sive up our government, or 
PART WITH THE STATES SOUTH OF THE POTOMAC, no man north of that 
river, whose heart is not thoroughly democratic, can hesitate what decision to make. That 
this question is nearly ripe for decision, there can be but little doubt. It is therefore 
time that the public mind should Be employed in examining it attentively, iii order, that 
lohen the period arrives, the decision may be made coolly and withfrmness.'' 

1'he nefarious project met with no countenance at that period, and was 
so completely frowned down by public opinion, that the projectors aban- 
doned it, and retired from the arena in silence. 



^^ DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION. 

SECO]\D PROJECT. 

When parties are disposed to revolt, there is no difficulty in finding 
a plea, to which eloquence and sophistry can give a colouring that may suf- 
fice to captivate the great mass of a conmiunity, who rarely take the pains 
necessary to nivest.gate such subjects. Any grievance, L\ or mK..i„a- 
ry, IS sufficient. If real, it is magnified an hundred fold. If imacnnarv 
conhdent assertion, and unceasing reiteration will gain credit for if how- 
ever destitute of foundation. And it is no rare occurrence to find 'he 
wisest measures of government forming the leading features of the attacks 
by which it is attempted to be prostrated. 

The ground assumed during the administration of IVIr. Jefferson and Mr. 
Madison, was, that our government was under the control of Bonaparte 
and subservient to his interests— and that England had done us no wrono-' 
or, It she had, that she was disposed to repair our wrono-g. One of the 
most outrageous pamphlets that appeared at this period was published in 
New York, under the title of " National Wrongs— set forth in a Letter 
addressed to James Madison. By a North American. New York — 
Printed for the author— 1S14." Behold the spirit of this fire-brand pub- 
hcation. ^ 

ie!^ '^■*-'"' rP''"^ "? nea^otiation witli Great Britain is defeated by insidious artifice ; 
If the friendly and conciliatni a proposals of the enemy should not, from French subser 
viency,or views of sectional ambition, be met throughout by a spirit of moderation and 
sincerity, so as to terminate THE INFAMOUS WAR whicli is scattering it. horrors 
around us, and avert the calamities and distress of a disgraced country, itls necessary 
to apprize you that such conduct will be no hmcrer home with. The injured Stales will 
be compelled by ever?j motive of duty, interest, and honour ; h,) one manly exertion of 
their strength, TO DASH INTO ATOMS THE BOND Of' TYRANNY /fJ! 
then be too late to retract. The die will be cast. Freedom preserved. 

" A separation of the States will be an inevitable result. Motives numerovs and ur- 
gent will demand that measure. As they originate in oppression, the oppressors must 
be respormlde for the momentous and ronliuvrerd events, arisina- from THE DIS^OT IT 
TION OF THE PRESENT CONFEDERACY, AND THE eScTIONW^^ 
ARATE GOVERNMENTS. It will b, their work. While posterity will admire 
the independent spirit of the eastern section of our country, and, with sentiments of 
gratitude, enjoy the fruits of their firmness and wisdom— the descendants of the south 
and west, will iiave reason to curse the infatuation and folly of your councils. 

" Bold and resolute, ichen they step forth in the sacred cause of freedom and indepen- 
dence, the northern people Kill secure their object. No obstacle can impede them. No 
Jorce can withstand their powerful arm. The most numerous armies will melt before 
their manly strength. 

" Does not the page of history instruct yon, that the feeble debility of the South nev- 
er could face the vigorous activity of the North ? Do not the events of past ages re- 
mind you of the valuable truth, that a single spark of Northern liberty, espccialli/ when 
enlightened by conginial commerce, will explode n wirole ntmos/ihere of sultry Southern 
despotism ? You well know the termination of the expedition ofXerxes, witli his hun- 
dreds of thousands, against tlic Greeks. 'J'he commercial Athenians taught the de- 
bilitated tyrant of Asia, on the jdains of .Marathon, and at the strait of Salamis, of 
what exertions freedom is capable, when roused by o|)pression. 'i'he hardy .Macedo- 
nians not only defeated and dispersed countless hordes of southern cifcniinaey, but 
traversed their country at pleasure. 

" The aggregate strength of the South and West, if brought against the North, would 
be driven into the ocean, or back to their own sultry wilds — and they misht thin!; iltem- 
selvcs fort'im'te if they escaped other punishment than defeat, which their leinerily would 
merit. While the one would strive to enslave, the other would fight tor freedom. 
Wiiile the councils of the one would be distracted with diacordunt uilcrcsts, the deci- 



DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION. 11 

sions of the other would be directed by one soul. Beware ! pause ! before you take the 
fatal plunge. 

" You have carried your oppressions to the utmost stretch. We ivill no longer sub- 
mit. Restore the constitution to its purity. Give us security for the future; indemni- 
ty for the past. Abolish every tyrannical law. Make an honourable peace. Revive 
our connnerce. Increase our navj'. Protect our seamen. UNLESS YOU (COM- 
PLY WITH THESE JUST 'DEMANDS, WITHOUT DELAY, WE WILL 
WITHDRAW FROM THE UNION, SCATTER TO THE WINDS THE 150ND 
OF TYRANNY, AND TRANSMIT TO POSTERITY, THAT LIBERTY PUR- 
CHASED BY THE REVOLUTION." 

" It is said that to make a treaty of commerce with the enemy is to violate the Con- 
stitution and to SEVER THE UNION. Are they not both already virtually destroy- 
ed ? Or in what state of existence would they be, sJiould we declare a ncutralilij, or 
even withhold taxes or men .'" — Boston Centinel, Dec. 17, 1814. 

" By a commercial treaty icith England, which shall provide for the admission of 
such stafpK as may wish to come into it, and which shall prohibit Eiiglund from 
making- a treaty with the Soutii and West, which does not grant us at least equnl pri- 
vileges with herself, our commerce will be siecurcd to us ; our standing in tlie Nation 
raised to its proper level ; and New England feelings will no longer he sported with, or 
her interests riolated." — Ibid. 

"IF WE SUBMIT QUIETLY, OUR DESTRUCTION IS CERTAIN. If we 
oppose them, with a high-minded, and steady conduct, who will say that we shall not 
beat them bade ? No one can suppose that a conJUct icith a tyranny at home, would 
be as easy as with an enemy abroad. But firmness will anticipate and prevent it. — 
Cowardice dreads it — and will surely bring it on at last. WHY THEN DELAY ? 
Why leave that to chance which firmness should command ? Will our wavering 
frighten government into compliance ?" — Ibid. 

" We nmst do it deliberately — and not from irritation at our wrongs or sufferings. 
And when we have once entered on the high course of honour and INDEPENDENCE, 
let no difficulties stay our course, no dangers drive us back." — Ibid. 

" We must be no longer deafened by senseless clamours about A SEPARATION 
OF THE STATES."-^Idem,Jan.l3,1814. 

"Let no consideration whatever, my brethren, deter you at all times, and in all 
places, from execrating the present war. It is a war unjust, foolish, and ruinous. 
It is unjust, because GREAT BRITAIN PIAS OFFERED US EVERY CON- 
CESSION, SHORT OF WHAT SHE CONCEIVES WOULD BE HER RUIN."— 
Rev. Mr. Gardiner's Discourse, July 23, 1812, page 5. 

" The Union has been long since virtually dissolved : And it is full time, that this 
part of the disunited states should take care of itself!!" — Idem, page I.'i. 

" The Israelites became weary of yielding the fruit of their labour to pamper their 
splendid tyrants. They left their political woes. THEY SEPARATED— WHERE 
IS OUR MOSES ! ! ! Where is the rod of his tniracles ! ! 1 Where is our Aaron ! ! .' 
Alas ! no voice from the burning bush, lias directed them here."— Rev. E. Parrish's 
Discourse, delivered at Byfield, April 7, 1814, pao-e 18. 

" Alas ! WE HAVE NO .MIOSES TO STRETCH HIS ROD OVER THE SEA! ! ! 
JNo Lebanon, nor Carniel, nor Zion, to invite us across the deep !" — Idem, page 14, 

It is by no means my intention to defend the insurrectionary movements 
in New England, during the late war : but that they were incomparably 
more justifiable than those in South Carolina at present, [ liope to make 
fully appear by a quotation from the " New Olive Branch," 

'•New England then depended for her prosperity almost altogether on 
commerce, as the government hcid, with singular fatuity, never adequate- 
ly encouraged the vital interest of manuflictures, the great iiandmaid and 
support of agriculture, for which we had so many advantages. The com- 
merce of the nation was almost entirely annihilated, and great distress in 
consequence prevailed in New England, Her ships were rotting at the 
wharves. Her capital lay idle. Ileal estate sunk in value in nTany in- 
stances, 20, 30, and 40 per cent. Many of our staples were in some de 



13 DISSOLUTION OF THE UNIOIf. 

gree valueless ; and a portion of the population of the New England states 
was destitute of employment, by tlie total stagnation of commei-ce. This 
was a state of things calculated to drive a people to madness, and to pal- 
liate excesses and disaffection. 

" A comparison of the exports of some years previous to the war, with 
those at that period, will shed a flood of light on this interesting subject. 

" The exports, foreign and domestic, of the United States, for twelve 
years, ' 

1800 to 1811, inclusive, were .... $879,225,102 
Averaging 873,268,758 



" For 1809, '10, and '11 ..... . 180,278,036 

Average ' 60,092,678 

" In 1813 and 1814 . . ... 34,783,438 

Average ...... 17,391,719 



" In 1814, domestic exports, ..... 6,782,272 

"Foreign . . _ . . . . . . 145,169 



Total for 1 814, 86,927,441 

"This was a fearful fall from 60 or 70,000,000 dollars, to less than 
87,000,000. 

"Here was a state of ruin, actual and prospective ; and no likelihood 
of a speedy tei'inination, as the British had so completely triumphed over 
France and all her allies, that their forces weie liberated in Europe, to be 
let loose on us, to ravage our coasts, and complete the destruction of the 
little commerce that remained. 

"How immensely different is the case with the citizens of South Caro- 
lina ! It is a molehill compared with a mountain. Their grand staple 
commands cash, and a steady market, and is at about the prices that 
it bore in 1823.* They purchase almost every article they consume, 
foreign and domestic, at a reduction of from 25 to 50 per cent. Can, 
therefore, the nullifiers of South Carolina — and I put the question to their 
prime leaders. Judge Cooper (to whom the elfervescence chielly owes its 
origin). Governor Hamilton, Mr. Hayne, Ex-Governor Miller, and Mr. 
M'Dullie — plead a tenth part so strong an apology as the Hartford Con- 
vention? That they cannot, however they maj^ wince at the question, is 
the award which posterity will pass on their proceedings. 



THIRD PROJECT. 

The chief grounds at piesent assumed to the South arc, the uncon- 
stitutionality of the protecting system — and the oppression and robbery 
perpetrated on the South by the tariif, which transfers, it is asserted, 
the property of the citizens of that quarter into the pockets of the citi- 
zens of the middle and eastern states; although so lar as the constitutionality 
of the system is concerned, the practice ol the government and the opinions 

» Charleston, IVTay 19, 1823, prime uplands . - - 9 a lU 

June 9, 1832, " " - - - - lOi a 10 3-4 



DISSOLUTION OF THE UXIOX. 13 

of George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, James Madison, Fisher Ames, 
and a host of other citizens erf the highest standing, had sanctioned the 
cunstitutionaHty ofthe measure for ajjove thirty years without the slight- 
est objection being made to it — and aUhough, 1 repeat, every article suffi- 
ciently protected, lias been greatly reduced in price — some of them 50 
per cent. I annex specimens of the style used by some of the advocates 
of " resistance." 

" Wc did think — we liave ahvays thought, and we still think, that the true and best 
policy lor this country, or any other, is to meet encroachment at llie very ihr'^shold 
■\vhh resistance — with ^firm, vtucarcrins:, nnlilencliing resistanre. Kotliing has ever 
yet been or ever will be gained eitJier by nations or individuals, by ])ursuing a tcnipo- 
risincr, prudential, calculating policy. It is a doubtful question whetlier prudence is at 
any time a virtue. If it is, however, and tlierc ever can happen circumstances under 
wlilcU it may cease to be so considered, we do most hunibl}^ conceive, that there can be 
no more appropriate an occasion for it to throw aside that garb, tlian when the honour 
and the dearest interests of nations are implicated. It was in compliance with 
these principles, that we took the decided stand which we did in opposition to the iisui- 
pations of the General Government — and called upon our State Legislature, to NULLI- 
FY THtD TARIFF LAW, and put the State immediately upon its sovereignty. — 
What we then said, wc again reiterate, and we repeat it as the last official appeal wliich 
we shall ever make. In the spirit of patriotism, then, fellow citizens of South Carolina 
— by the injuries wliich you have sustained — by the shades of i/otir revohitionury fa- 
thers — hy your tinckneys, your Rutleilges, your Draytons,your Motions — Jjy the lion 
soul of your tiling Suniptcr — by the manes of Rawlin Lowndes, that man who opposed 
the tfueral Constitution, because, he ioresaw thi.t it was nursirsg the Ninicpcn mon- 
ster that would one day strangle the liberties of tlie South — by the streaming blood of 
the constitution — by your violated league — by all you hold sacred to yourselvrs and 
dear to posterity— RISE UP AND REDIvESS YOUR WRONGSI!! STRIKE 
FOR COUNTRY AND FOR HOME ! NOW'S THE TIME, AND NOW'S TIJE 
HOUR. REMEMBER THAT PROCRASTINATION IS SLAVERY— AND 
FORGET NOT, WE CONJURE YOU, THAT ONE HOUR OF VIRTUOUS LI- 
BERTY IS WORTH A WHOLE ETERNITY OF BONDAGE.— Southern Radi- 
cal, 1828. 

" Let Congress be distinctly told, that either the general gorernmevt must recede 
from its pretensions to inordinate poicers, or the STATE MUST R ECEDE FROM 
THE COAIPACT : and should that government resolutely persist in the scheme of 
subverting our prosperity and sovereignty to their very foundation, let the governor be 
directed, by proclamation, to open our ports to the vessels of all nations, not excepting 
even those of our northern friends or cncnies. Let no customs he exacted, except hy our 
own officers; and let all jud<i(S, magistrates, constables, and other citizens, be called 
vpon to support the state authorili/ and laws, and be INDEMNIFIED FOR DISORE- 
DIEN( ;E to FEDERAL AUTHORITIES. All this may be done uiJhout the spill- 
ing- of one <lrop of hlood. There will be no necessity for firing a gun. Let the United 
States government fire the first shot if it chooses. Better it would be that it had been 
born with a mill-stone around its neck, than to try this. We must take care not to be 
the aggressors IN THE SHEDDING OF BLOOD."— MiUedLrcrUle Journal. 

"THE MEMORABLE SCENES OF OUR REVOLUTION HAVE AGAIN TO 
BE ACTED OYER."— Idem. 

The preceding paragraphs afford a specimen of the languaco held res- 
pecting the Tariff of 1828, about the period of its passage. When under 
discussion, it was obnoxious to both parties, and was called, I believe by 
both, "a Bill of abominations.'''' Some of its most odious features, be it 
observed, were introduced, or at \east retained by southern votes. 

About ten years since, Mr. M'Duffie drew a most "graphic picture of the 
motives of the men likely to attempt to excite hostility between the gene- 
ral and state governments, and, by necessary consequence, to dissolve the 

2* 



14 DissonrrioN of the UNiorr. 

Union. This picture met with the decided approbation of Major, now 
Governor Hamilton, who repubUshed it with strong encomiums. Yet 
these gentlemen are among the most prominent leaders of the insurrec- 
tionary movements of South Carolina. How far this portrait applies to 
them or any other of the leaders, I will not pretend to say. I leave that 
question to be decided by the reader. 

" Ambitious men of inferior talents, finding tiiey have no hope to be distin- 
" GuisiiED in the councils of the national government, naturally wish to in- 
" crease the power and consequence of the state governments, the theatres in 
"which thev expect to acquire distinction. It is not, theiefore, u renard for the 
" rights of the people, and a real apprehension that those rights are in danger, that hate 
" caused so much to be said on the subject of prostrate state sovereignties and consoli- 
" dated empire. It is the a/nlnlion of that class of politicians, who expect tojigure only 
" in the state councils, and of those states who are too proud to acknowledge any supe. 
" rior." — "One of the People." — Written by the Hon. George M'Duffie, member of 
Congress from South Carolina, and countersigned by Major Hamilton, now Governor 
of Soutli Carolina. 

" He must have read the, lessons of history to little purpose, who does not 
" perceive that the people of particular states are liable to fall, occasionally, 
" into a dangerous and morbid excitement upon particular subjects; and that 
" under this excItement, they will impel their rulers into the adoption of mea- 

" SURES IN THEIR TENDENCY DESTRUCTIVE TO THE UnION." Idem. 

" //", after the NationalJudiciary have solemnly affirmed the constitutionality of a law, 
" it is still to he resisted by the state rulers, the constitution is literally at an end ; a 
" revolution of the government is already accomplished ; and anarchy waves his horrid 
" sceptre over the broken altars of this happy Union .'" — Idem. 

What a revolting contrast between these holy doctrines, so overwhelm- 
ing and irresistible, and the insuriectionary doctrines promulgated in the 
recent manifesto, to which the name of Mr. M'Duffie is appended, and 
similar doctrines boldly announced in Congress and elsewhere by that 
gentleman and some of his colleagues I par excmple. 

" Shall we he terrified by mere phantoms of blood, when our ancestors, 
for less cause, encountered the dreadful reality 1 Great God! are we the 
descendcnts of those ancestors — are we freemen — are we men — grown men — 
to be frightened from the discharge of our most sacred duly, and the vindica- 
tion (f our most sacred rights, by the mere nursery stories of raw-head and 
bloody-bones ?" — Mr. McDuffie's Dinner Speech. 

Mr. McDuflie triumphantly and unanswerably refuted in 1821 the perni- 
cious and disorganizing doctrines on which the Mullifiers rest the justilication 
of the course they pursue — those doctrines which tend to lay the General 
Government prostrate at the feet of the State Governments, declaring the 
right of any individual State to repeal, or, to use the fashionable phrase, 
" n»///7//" any law of the United States which it deems unconstitutional 
— doctrines utterly subversive of all government. 

"The state governments arctlic ab.-<oliitc creatures of tl>c people ; and hare no politi- 
cat powers nut delegated to them hy their respertire ronstilutions, and, ruasisteiit with the 
conslitalion of the United States. The stales, as polilical bodies, hare no original, in- 
herent ri<J^hlS. 'J'iKTTHEV HAVE SUCH RIGHTS ISA FALSE, DANGEROUS, AND ANTI-REPUBLI- 
CAN ASSUMPTION, WHICH LURKS AT THE BOTTOM OF ALL THE REASONING IN FAVOUR OF STATE 
BJGHTS." 

«2V*e ataumplion of the ttate authoriti«8 will appear still more glaring and unwar- 



DISSOLUTION OP THE UNIOIf. 15 



rantablcy when we reflect, that whatever is assumed as a "state right " pertains equally 

to every state in the Union, separately and individually.'''' 

" I can conscientiously say, (and I stand upon constitutional ground when I say so,) 
thati AttDt, as a citizen of the Union, precisely as much confidence in the geniral gov- 
trnmeut as I have in the Government of my own slate, and injinitely more than J can 
or ought to have in the government of the other slates. 1 thinli too hiijlily of tiic people 
ot the United States, to suppose that tliey will tolerate any cncroachnionts of tlic na- 
tional govennntnt, that shall endanger their hbeity. As to those imaginary rights, 
that are by some supposed to exist in the states, in contradistinction to the people of the 
stales, I. neither understand nor regard them. They are mere sounds, used bymis'^ui- 
dedor designing tnen, for the advancement of their populunty in paHicular sections of 
the Union." 

" We have more cause of Ari'REHENSlO.X FROM THE STATES, THAN FROM THE GENERAL 
GOVERNMENT ; OR, IN OTHER WORDS, THERE IS IN OUR SYSTEM A GREATER TENDENCY TO 
DJSliMON THAN TO CONSOLIDATION." 

" The laws of the Union, clothed with the most solemn sanctions of the constitution 
huutbee?!, under the extreme pressure of local emharrassment, aisolutely resisted ly the 
state auihonties. Aftci ihc supreme tribunal of the country pronounced an act of Con 
gress constitutional, and, consequently, the supreme laio of the land, a state government 
has openly opposed its c\cculion. It will be readily understood, that I allude to the 
embarrassing conflict ot authority between the general government and the '^tate of 
Ohio, in relation to the National Bank. And I hesitate not to pronounce it one of ihe 
most portentous events that has occurred since the adoption of the federal constitution." 

"You assert that wlien any conflict shall occur between the general and state oovcin- 
ments, :,s to the extent of their respective powers, " EACH PARITY HAS A lllGHT 
TO JUDGE FOR ITSELF !" I confess I am at a loss to know how such a piono'.i. 
tion ought to be treated. No ci.iman of political heresies can be imaginkd, in which 

THIS MIGHT NOT FAIRLY CLAIM THE MOST PROMINENT PLACE. It RESOLVES THE GOVERN 
MENT, AT ONCE, INTO THE ELEMENTS OF PHYSICAL FORCE; AND INTRODUCES US DIRFCTl Y INTO 

A SCENE OF ANARCHY AND BLOOD. Thcrc is not a single power delegated to the general 
governinent, which it would not be in the power of every state government to destroy 
under the authority of this licentious principle." 

" To suppose that ihe general government have a consiiluiional rieht to exercise cei tain 
powers, winch must operate upon the people of the states, and yet that the government oi 
each state has a right tojix and determine its own relative powers, and ly necessary con 
sequence, to limit the powers of the general government, is to suppose the existence of 
two contradictory and inconsistent rights. In all governments there must be some one 
supreme power ; in other words, every question that can arise as to the constitutional 
extent ot the powers of different classes of functionaries, must be susceptible of a lejral 
and peaceable determination by some tribunal of acknowledged authority or force 
must be the inevitable consequence. And where force begins, government end'-- " 

I here is no incidental power more clearly given iyihc Constitution, (and even you 
admit inculental powers) and certainly there is none e/t once more haimiess .nd salu.a- 
ry, than that of making internal imp, ovements."~M[. xMcDulfie's, " One ol tJic People." 

I.ctmc observe further, that Judge Cooper and Mr. G.lhoun, at no 

%ery distant day, were among the most prominent advocates of the nro- 

ecting system, xyh.ch they now denounce as unconstitutional, and ..,o,ind 

the resistance to ,ts oj.eration, i. e. rebellion, which they unequivcc^llv ad- 

vacate, on its unconstitutionality ! -^ i .> 

These are strong flicts deserving of the most serious aftentirn of all 
who have any interest in the welfare, prosperity, and peace of the coun- 
try. Ihe former and present opinions of these four gentlemen are as dia- 
metrically opposite as the highest empyrean and the lowest, abysses of 
±.rebus. If they were correct at the former period, as, on a fail- view of 
the subject, It appeas they were, they must be radically and incurably 
wrong at present, and therefore are wholly unsafe guides, on a question of 
such mighty importance to the whole civilized world, as a dissolution of 
the Union, for "disguise it as they may," that is the precise meaning of 
niilliiication— a question on wluch a fulsc ^^tep is irremediable. 



16 DISSOLUTION OP THE UNION. 

So extraordinary are the hallucinations to which nations are subject in 
times of great effervescence, and from which men of enhghtened minds 
cannot claim an exemption, tliat nothing of this description ought to sur- 
prise us much. History is replete with examples. I shall quole two or 
three striking instances in our own short experipnce. 

Daring the administration of Gen. Washington, nosmall-portion of the 
Democrats helieved tliat Jay's Treaty was the result of a corrupt barLniin 
with the Court of St. James's ; and that one of its objects was to distress 
France, and to commit us in hostility with that country ; and many of them 
believed that the signature of that treaty cancelled all" the debt of gratitude 
due by this country to the illustrious Washington. Others among them, 
(Mr. Jefferson was one,) were persuaded that the western insurrection 
was nothing more than a mere riot, and that the army was sent to the 
westward to create an insurrection ! 

Net to be outdone in folly, a large portion of the federalists" were per- 
suaded that Mr. Jefferson and his cabinet were actually in the pay of 
Bonaparte : that the war of 1812 was wanton and unprovoked : that 
it was intended to aid him in his wild attempt upon Russia: that Great 
Britain with her thousand ships of war had done us no wrono-; and that 
that nation was at all times ready to make arrangements with us on ho- 
nourable terms, but that Mr. Jefferson repelled her advances ! 

It remains to be seen whether equal hallucinations at least do not pre- 
vail at the South at present. 

NO. 3. 

At the last session of Congress, the tariff of 1838 was taken up in the 
spirit of compromise, ami numerous modifications were made, by some of 
which th'i! interests of particular branches of manufictures were mate- 
rially injured. It was fondly hoped that these niodilications would allay 
the effervescence in South Carolina, and arrest the insurrectionary move- 
ments in that stale. But unfortunately the expectation was vain — for the 
leaders have become more violent and more determined to carry into effect 
their destructive schemes. 

For we are gravely assured, and in a solemn appeal to the heated pas- 
sions of the southern States, by citizens of high standing : — Messrs. 
Ilayne and Miller, of the Senate, and Messrs. M'Dutlie, Davis, Felder, 
Grilfin, Nuckolls, and Barnwell, of tho House of Reprosontatlves;, t'aat the 
new tariff is more oppressive to the southern states, tlian that of 1828 ! ! 

" Tlie burdens nf the I'rotkctino Dutiks are dccitU'iUij incrcasod, estimn- 
ting the cash duties and diminished credits at an average of more tliiui fifty per 
cent, while the duties on the Kiijirotrcleil arlirhs, whicii, upon GV(>ry principle of 
equu,lity and justice, should sustain the principal part of the burdens of taxation, 
are, witii a few inconsiderable exceptions, tntireh/ rrpraled. 

" Upon those uianufactures which are received in exchange for the staple pro- 
ductions of the Southern Stales, tuk augrkgatk incrkask of tiii-; iuikpk.ns 

OF TAXATION, BKYOND WUAT TUKV WKUIO UNPKR THK TaRIFF OP 1828, IS 

BKMKVKu TO HK ui'WARUS OF O N K i\lii,i,io.N OF l)oi,i,ARS !!! While tlio re- 
duction or rei)"al of the duties on those imports which we receive in exchange 
for the produetions of the 'J'ariff States, [.'] and are principally roiisiinird^ in 
those Slates, |/] ainniints to about four millions of dollars. VVhilt\ tlierefore, 
the ajro-regate hurdcns of Taxation are dinunishcd four millions of dollars by 
this Bill, the positive, burdens of the Soulhern !S:atcs are not diminished at 
all, and their relative burdens are very grealhj increased!" — Address of Messrs. 



DISSOLUTION OF THE UNro]>r. 17 

Hayne, Miller, McDvffie, Davis, Felder, Nuckolls, and Barnwell, to the Citi- 
zens of South Carolina. 

1. Mr. M'Duffie has asserted, that the southern states pay forty per 
cent, of the revenue. The reduction by the new tariff, is from 6 to 
^10,000.000,— say the former sum. Forty per cent, on 6,000,000, is 
2,400,000, reduced, according to Mr. M'Duffie's own statement, from the 
contributions of the southern stales. Is this large reduction more bur- 
densome to the South 1 

2. The debate on cotton bagging in 1824, occupied eight or ten days. 
It was asserted that the addition of a cent a square yard would operate 
most oppressively on the cotton planters, and, if I recollect rightly, would 
tax them to the amount of above 100,000 dollars annually. The duty is now 
reduced 00 per cent., from 5 cents to 'S^. Is this more burdensome 
to the South? 

3. By the tariff of 1828, baizes were estimated to have cost 50 cents 
per square yard, and were subject to 45 per cent, on that rate, or 22^ 
cents per square yard. By the new tariti" they are subject to 16 cents 
per square jard. Is this more burdensome to the South? 

4. By the tariff of 1828, blankets were subject to :i3o per cent. duty. 
By the new tariff, those which cost below 75 cents, are to pa}^ 5 per cent. 
Those above 75 cents, pay 25. Is this more burdensome to the South ? 

5. Iron, in bai's or bolts, was subject to .^o7 per ton. It is now to pay 
30. Is this more burdensome to the South ? 

6. Kendal cottons, paid 14 cents per square yard, equal to about 60 
per cent. They are to pay 5 per cent. Is this more burdensome to the 
South? 

7. Brown sugar paid 3 cents per lb. It is to pay 2h. — The reduction 
is 16f per cent. Is this more burdensome to the South ? 

8. White, clayed, or powdered sugar paid 4 cents per lb. [t is now to 
pay 3^ cents per lb. The reduction is, 16| percent. Is this more bur- 
densome to the South ? 

9. Teas of various kinds, paid duties averaging about 30 cents per lb. 
They are in future to be free. Is this more burdensome to the South. 

10. Coffee paid 5 cents per lb. by the tariff' of 1828 — and by that of 
1830, one cent. It is now free. Is this more burdensome to the South? 

11. Woollen goods, by the minimum arrangement of 1828, were subject 
to duties which niiirht, and occasionally did, amount to upwards of 100 
per cent. The minimum duties, which were more grievously complain- 
ed of than any other portion of the tarifl", are abolished, andthe duty is 
50 per cent, ad valorem. Is that more oppressive to the South ? 

12. Woollen goods not exceeding 33} cents per square yard, paid 14 
cents per square yard, averaging from 45 to 50 per cent. They are to 
pay 5 per cent. Is this more burdensome to the South ? 

13. Rombazeens, Norwich crapes, &c. paid 36 per cent. They are to 
pay 10 per cent. Is this more burdensome to the South? 

14. Silk goods frim beyond the Cape of Good Hope, paid 36 per 
cent. They are to pay 10 per cent. From this side the Cape, they 
paid 22 per cent. They are to pay 5 per cent. Is this more burden- 
some to the South ? 



18 DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION. 

15. Linens paid 27.5 per cent. They are to pay 15 per cent. Is this 
more burdensome to the South ? 

16. Hats, of Leghorn, straw, chip, &;c. paid 55 per cent, besides a dol- 
lar minimum. Tliey are to pay 30 per cent. Is this more burdensome 
to the South ? 

17. Wines, Madeira and She'rry, paid 50 cents per gallon. They are 
to pay 25 cents. Is this more burdensome to the South? 

18. Wines, from France, red and white, avei-aged 12^ cents. They 
are to average 4 cents. Is this more burdensome to the South I 

19. Worsted stuff goods, viz. bombazcts, ratinets, moreens, lastings, 
&c. paid 27^ per cent. They are to pay 10 per cent. Is this more 
burdensome to the South ? 

20. Hemp paid 60 dollars per ton. It is to pay 40. Is this more bur- 
densome to the South 1 

21. Wools, costing less than 8 cents per lb. paid, according to the tariff 
of 1828, 4 cents per lb., and 50 per cent, on the value. They are to be 
duty free. Is this more burdensome to the South? 

22. Straw matting from China, of which laige quantities are imported, 
pays at present 15 cents per square yard, equal to about 150 per cent. 
It is in future to pay 5 per cent. Is this more burdensome to the South? 

Various other important reductions have been made in the tariff, some 
of which 1 annex. 

1828. 1832. 

23. Nankeens, from China, per cent. - 30 - - 20 

24. Window Glass, 10 by 15, p. 100 feet, - $5' • - $4 

„, , , o . iL S 4 cents per lb. 4 cents, and 

25. Wool, above 8 cents per lb. ^ ^^^ ^^ p^^ ^^^ 4q p^j. ^^.^^^ 

26 Woollen hosiery, gloves, mits, &c perct. 38.5 - ' ^^ 

27. Wood, manufactures of, . - do. 33 - - 25 

28. Copper, vessels of, - - - - do. 38.5 . - - 25 

29. Side and fire arms, - . - do. 33 . . - 25 

30. Adzes, axes, &c. - - . - do. 38.5 - - . 30 

31. Clothing, ready made, - - do. 55 - - - - 50 

32. Cyphering slates, - - - - do. 36.33 - . - 25 

33. Haircloth, . - . . - do. 33 - - - 15* 

To the articles at present exempt from duty, the following are to be added, from the 
3d of March, 1833,— Cocoa, almonds, currants, prunes, figs, raisins, black pepper, gm- 
ger, mace, nutmegs, cinnamon, cassia, cloves, pimento, crude saltpetre, flax unmanu- 
factured, quicksilver, opium, quills uni)rcpared, tin in platos and «heete, unmanufactur- 
ed marble, argol, gum Arabic, gum Senegal, epaulettes of gold and silver, lac dye, mad- 
der, nuts and berries used in dying, satfron, turmeric, woad and pastel, aloes, amber- 
gris, burgundy pitch, Peruvian bark, cochineal, capers, chamomile flowers coriander 
seed, cantharides, castanas, catsup, chalk, coculus Indicus, coral, dales fllberts, fil- 
tering stones, horn plates for lanlerns, ox horns, India rul>bcr, ipecacuanha, ivory un- 
manufactured, juniper berries, musk, nuts of all kinds, olives, oil of jumper, paintings 
and drawings, rattans unm mufucturcd, reeds unmanufactured, rhubarb, rotten stone, 
tamarinds, tortoise shell, tin Ibil, shellac, sponges, sago, lemons, limes, pine apples, 
cocoa nuts and shells, irris or arris root, arrowroot, sal ammoniac, Colombo root, annatto, 
anni.secd, oil of anniseed, oil of cloves, cummin seed, sar.saparilla, balsam tulu, assato;- 
tida, ava root, alcornoque, canella alba, cascarilla, Ilaerlem oil, hcartshorn, manna, 

• In these tables, the duties are stated as actually paid— that is to say, the ten per 
cent, added ,it the custom house to the amount ol'tiic! invoice, is here added to the duty. 
Thus a nominal only of 30 was really a duty of 33 per cent. 



DISSOLUTION OF THE UNIOX. 19 

senna, tapioca, vanilla beans, oil of almonds, nux vomica, amber, platina, busts of mar- 
ble, metal or plaster ; casts of bronze or plaster, strings of musical instruments, flints, 
kelp, kermes, pins, needles, mother of pearl, Jmir unmanuiactured, hair pencils, Brazil 
paste, tartar crude ; vegetables, such as are used principally in dying and in composing' 
dyes, itc. &,c. And further, — All articles not enumerated in iiiis act and which are 
now liable to an ad valorem duty of 15 per cent, (except tartar emetic, Rochellc salts, 
sulpliate of quinine, calomel, corrosive sublimate, sulphateof magnesia and glauber salts,) 
are henceforth free of duty. Are these exemptions more bmdcnsome to the South ? 

It is confidently asserted by the millifiers and their friends, that the al- 
teration of the currency of the pound sterling from 444 cents to its real 
value, 480 cents, and the reduction of the credits from an average of 
about ten months to four, more than countervail the reduction of the duties, 
and thus render the new tariff more burdensome than the old. Let us test 
this as«!Pftioii by figures : 

We will take £1,000 sterling worth of adzes, axes, &c, which paid 30 per cent, 
under the old tariff, and will pay 25 per cent, under the new. 

1828. 1832. 

i;i,000 equal to $4444 44 £1,000, equal to - . 84,800 00 

10 per cent, added, 444 44 

4,888 88 25 per cent. - - 1,200 00 

Difference in favour of the importer, 232 66 

Duty 30 per cent. - - 1,460 66 

Deduct 6 months' discount, at 1 432 66 



i 



4 per cent, per annum, 28 00 



1,432 66 

The discount allowed for prompt payment by government is only 4 per cent. The 
credit formerly averaged 10 months ; at present it is only four, for all except woollens, 
on which there is no credit : making a difference of six months against the importer, 
under the present tariff, compared with the tariff of 1828— and of the whole ten in 
regard to woollens. 

£1,000 worth of hosiery at 35 per At 25 per cent in future. 

^, „^^"t. m]828. £1,000, equal to - - $,4800 00 

£1,000, equal to - $4,444 44 



10 per cent, added, - 444 44 25 per cent. - . 1,200 00 

• Difference in favour of the importer, 476 88 

4,888 88 

Duty, 35 per cent. - 1,711 10 . $1.676 88 

Deduct 6 months' discount, 34 22 

Net duty - $1,676 88 

It must not be overlooked that the alteration of the value of the pound 
sterhng affects no imports but those from Great Britain, and even of those 
none but such as are subject to ad valorem duties. 

Here it is proper to make a solemn pause on the very verge of a 
tremendous precipice, one desperate plunge into which would lead to 
civil war with all its fearful aggregation of horrors. We find eight 
citizens, ranking among the first in the land, promulgating a document 
which IS regarded— perhaps intended— as a signal to invite a single state 
to resist laws duly enacted by a majority of the representatives ot the 
^^" t- °"~^ resistance which is neither more nor less than rebellion— 
and this measure is urged on a ground, which, when fairly examined, 



20 DISSOLUTION OF THE XJNIOX. 

vanishes, " lilce the baseless fabric of a vision, and leaves not a trace be' 
hind." The assertion, that tiie new tariff is more burdensome to the 
South, tlian the tariff of li5:^8, is, as we have seen, not only unsupported 
by fact, but is most unequivocally contradicted by lact, and utterly desti- 
tute of the shadow of foundation. 

I will not allow myself to believe that these gentlemen attempted wil- 
fully to deceive the public. Their characters place them too high for 
such a suspicion. But that they have laboured under an hallucmatioa 
as complete as any of those above alluded to, will hardly be denied. — 
And unhappily, an error on such an important subject, resulting from a 
want of caieful imestigation, may produce as fatal lesults, as an egre- 
gious, wilful misstatement. That these gentlemen have been most cul- 
pably remiss in committing themselves by such an erroneous document 
without due investiiration, will not achnit of a moment's doubt. And is it 
not hicrhly probable— nay, alm.«t certain— that they have fallen mto 
equal errors in those metaphvsical abstractions and dogmatic opinions 
which thev and'their friends have promulgated on this momentous sub- 
iect by vvhich the passions of the citizens of South Carolina have been 
roused to madness, and a portion of the state made ready " to reneic the 
blood u scc7)cs of the revolution?''' a- • i 

Wiiat a melancholy view this circumstance presents of human ahairs 
On what slender threads the peace and happiness of nations depend ! 
Here are, I repeat, eight citizens, who, from station, cultivation, and 
standing, are arrayed in the Iront ranks of society, who, tor want ol pro- 
per invest Kration, sanctioned, with their honoured names, what is proved to 
be not onlv not true, but the reverse of truth, of which the direct tendency 
is to destroy the peace and happiness of 13,000,000 of souls and their de- 
scendants—to array Rither against son, son against father, and brother 
aoainst brother— to make a jubilee for the friends of despotism throughout 
the world— and to cover the friends of mankind with gloom and h-"i'ro'-- 
and finally to give strength to tlie sickening and appalling maxim, that 
man is incapable of self-government ! Alas ! for human nature ! 



Thus we have seen three attempts lo destroy the Lnion. T^^o «[ 
them, thank heaven, failed. May the God of infinite >(;«^'«^y'j;'j;^ J^^ 
brougbt the couutry tlaougli so n:.ny danger, and ddhculUcs, defeat and 

ror action are^h...nt-the ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ 
craiul ohiect of all is tlie ^^'"^ ./'*,' a * vir' i ' i v 1h^ llOIM-^S OF 

ZFA.S OK THE SOliTH, -BY Tin. .'r^l^'^^^V^M' vAri SFI VES 
THE ITJJTSTRIOUS WASllIN(;TON, ' ^Slv YOl ^WjV^^^ 

TIIE QUESTION, COOLLY AN ?,> ^ ^^ ;^;4^^>^\^^^^^^^ 
l'J.:i) FOR THIS HIDEOUS STATE OF THINGS, AND lib INEV 
ITABLE RESULT, CIVIL AND SOCIAL ^ARbl ^ 



